“When the World Sleeps: Stories, Words and Wounds of Palestine” by Francesca Albanese
Francesca Albanese is an Italian human rights lawyer who serves as the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian territories. She was appointed to the role by the UN Human Rights Council in May 2022, the first woman to hold the position.
She graduated with a law degree from University of Pisa, before moving to London’s SOAS for her Master’s of Law focusing on human rights. Upon graduating – and before moving to Washington DC, Jakarta, and Tunis – for 10 years she worked for various UN agencies such as OHCHR (in Geneve), UNDP (Morocco), including moving to Jerusalem to work with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), living there among the Palestinians and saw first hand what’s happening on the ground.
It is through her first-hand experience there that we really get to know the people of Palestine.
The book is a mixture of gruesome facts about Israel’s occupation in Palestine (based on the official UN data), the history of Palestine and Israel, and the human stories behind it (most of whom Francesca met herself). It is told through 10 stories from 10 people who represent a wider range of human stories. The 10 different points of view are:
- Hind Rajab: This chapter shows us what it is like to be children in Palestine, living in a constant fear of harassment, eviction from house, parents killed, imprisonment for bullshit reasons, etc. With perhaps one of the most famous cases in Hind Rajab, who was killed at the age of 6 for the crime of being a Palestinian.
- Abu Hassan: A local Palestinian man in Jerusalem, who shows Francesca and her husband Max what the city was really about and how the apartheid system looks like at work, the consequences of the occupation, as well as the places that reveal their fatigue and oppression.
- George: A very intelligent Palestinian engineer who studied in the US, worked for years in Silicon Valley, but after 20 years decided to return home to Jerusalem. He is one of Francesca’s (and Max’s) closest friends in the city. He introduces them to the streets on both sides of the city (the Israeli west, and the Palestinian east), among the beautiful houses of the past (that have now being seized by Israel and their owners evicted), the lovely local bookstore that became the meet up place for foreigners, and the club where until few years ago was possible for Arab-Israelis (a.k.a. Palestinians) to go dancing alongside those same Israeli boys that would later join the IDF. The chapter also cover the history of Zionism and how the apartheid system is imposed in Jerusalem and the West Bank.
- Alon Confino: On the gross violation of the definition of antisemitism. Alon is an Italian Israeli university professor who taught history and Judaic and Near Eastern studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, and also the director of the American Institute for Holocaust, Genocide, and Memory Studies. He loves Israel but stands against everything the state of Israel is doing, and he helped Francesca to navigate the enormous attacks she has received using the corrupted label of antisemitism. This chapter is also about the other Jewish (and Israeli) scholars such as Amos Goldberg and Avi Shlaim.
- Ingrid Jaradat Gassner: About the legal battle to defend Palestine. Ingrid is a longtime expert on Palestine, a Dutch woman who has been living in Palestine for a long time, in Beit Jala, near Bethlehem, in the occupied West Bank. In 1998 she, along with his husband Mohammed Jaradat, were among the founders of BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights. And in 2005 she cofounded the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement. This chapter also mentions other human rights activists such as Omar Barghouti, Yuval Abraham, and Awdah Hathaleen.
- Ghassan Abu Sitta: A surgeon who is a naturalized British citizen. The chapter shows how far can the cruelty of genocide go. Ghassan went from London to Gaza in late 2023 to enter the ground zero of the most unimaginable horror in the first months of the genocide, by working directly at the hospitals (that were being bombed by IDF).
- Eyal Weizman: An Israeli forensic architect and author (Hollow Land, a book that traces the history of the Israeli occupation in Palestine between 1967 and 2007, using architectural tools and digital technologies to reconstruct past events). He left Israel long ago because he felt that he has no right to return until he can travel with a Palestinian passport as a single and democratic state. The chapter touches on the legal technicalities of a genocide, and the complexity of the physical and material conditions that help to create the environment for genocide.
- Malak Mattar: A young painter who left Gaza and eventually lives in London to tell the story of her people through her art. The chapter highlights the number 1 objective for Israel: to get rid of the Palestinians from the land; whether by making them uncomfortable to live in a dire condition, constantly being scared of harrassments, and/or even get killed. While a lot of them persevere and stay on their lands, Malak’s story represents the others who had enough and decided to flee.
- Gabor Maté: A doctor and psychotherapist of Canadian nationality and Jewish Hungarian origin. He is an expert on trauma and healing, who is very vocal on the Israeli occupation. This chapter is about the collective trauma, from both sides, that create their respective biased views on what’s going on, and why, for example, Europe tend to be supporting Israel and the global south (ex colonies) are supporting Palestine.
- Massimiliano Cali (Max): Francesca’s own husband, who has been besides her throughout everything. He is a force of his own, a senior economist with illustrious career at the World Bank. He is also a staunch pro-Palestine activist, who joined protests on the streets of Palestine getting tear-gassed. She couldn’t possibly become the face of Palestinian efffort if it’s not accompanied by the total support of her husband. And in this chapter, Francesca shows exactly how.
The key messages from this book is: based on UN charters on Genocide, what Israel is doing in Gaza is without a doubt an act of a genocide. However, this is not only an asymmetric struggle between the weak Palestine and the settler-colonialist Israel, instead there’s also the West with their interest to have a colony in the Middle East, and the corrupted Arab neighbours with their own agendas. Or as Francesca puts it, “If this story could be staged as a Greek tragedy, the main characters would be the Palestinians, the Israelis, and Western imperialism, the latter supported by a chorus representing the vassalage and oligarchic selfishness of various Arab governments.”
The media are also complicit, by their non-reporting or reporting from a biased angle that favors Israel. Even humanitarian organisations also complicit because they help to fix an effect that should have been the responsibility of Israel (as the perpetrator) to fix. Hence in a way humanitarian NGOs are aiding Israel by normalizing the war crimes as a catastrophe, as if it’s a natural disaster that the rest of us who have conscience should help.
The book also shows how the apartheid system is really implemented in Jerusalem and the West Bank. And how these places become the deliberate construction to: 1. Create unhabitable place for the Palestinians 2. Create a positive incentive for the Jewish diaspora to come to Israel. With the sole intention to force the natives to flee the land, leaving them to the Jews so that they will have a supreme Jewish-only state. This is also what is more or less happening in Gaza, although the past few years have demonstrated a more drastic measure for the ethnic cleansing.
Indeed, the stories are brutal, very painful to read, but weirdly heart warming at the same time to see the real humans of Palestine. Because it is not only the statistics anymore, but the young children playing in Francesca’s neighbourhood in Jerusalem picking mulberies, one of whom later became a journalist. It is the friendly locals who took Francesca and Max around to the off beated paths, to hang out in the local bookstore and going clubbing at the other side of town.
It is also about the refugees who came out of the hell hole, the doctor who deliberately came in into the hell hole to help as many people as possible. It is the Israeli historians and experts who stand up for the Palestinians, the many diplomats and the activists, that somehow soothes me when seeing there are still a lot of good people at the right positions that fight for humanity. Francesca has done an excellent job at humanizing all of them.
In a perfect world, there’s arguably no better person who deserved to win the Nobel Peace Prize 2025 than Francesca Albanese, for her strong voice for Palestinians in a turbulent wave of Israeli genocide and propaganda. But we’re not living in a perfect world. In fact, as we have witnessed more clearly since October 2023, we are living in a highly unequal world where a politically-connected Western aly can get away with genocide, even when it is happening and recorded in real time in front of our eyes. Thus, the apartheid system is apparently not only applied by Israel government in Palestinian territories, but also in the world where one set of rules is applicable for Israel, US and their allies; and another rule-based laws applicable for everyone else.
And instead, the actual winner of the Nobel Peace Prize 2025 was a deranged opposition figure in Venezuela who pleaded Donald Trump to bomb and invade her own country, giving pseudo-credibility to Donald Trump’s illegal actions on Venezuela in January 2026. Meanwhile, since 9 July 2025 Francesca is being sanctioned by the US (executive order no. 14203) due to her work that puts light into Israel’s crimes. With this sanction, no American person or company can conduct a business with her, and it froze her access to US-based financial infrastructure. What a joke Western-controlled world we live in.
But still, through the likes of Francesca and the people that we come to know in this book, we can see that there are still good people out there. Francesca doesn’t pretend to know the one grand solution for all this mess, but she demostrates a deep understanding on the rootcauses of the problems and their complications, and can point out the very experts that can solve them one by one.
And thus, somehow, this book gives me a small hope for Palestine. Keep fighting the good fight, Frenci Kbire.
Notable quotes from the book:
- Yet even as these stories present a picture of pain and despair, it is my hope that they will also bring an understanding that peace in Palestine and in the entire region is possible — that this land can be a home for Jews, Christians, Muslims, and anyone who calls the Holy Land home, regardless of whatever name the land goes by — through a grounding in universal justice and accountability for all. Each story offers a different, complementary lens from which to view the ongoing genocide and the global missteps that brought us to this point, and presents the raw human experiences from which we might fashion an alternative, shared future for Israelis and Palestinians alike.
- Even for the most sophisticated doublespeak experts, it is no longer possible to deny the truth about Palestine. In July 2024, the International Court of Justice has found beyond a reasonable doubt that Israel’s occupation of Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem since 1967 is illegal and must be abandoned totally and unconditionally. The occupation is illegal because, by its very existence, it prevents the Palestinians from enjoying the right to self-determination: the right of a people to exist and to determine itself, that is, to choose for itself, without foreign control over the territory and the lives of the people who inhabit it. Yet this simple right to exist as a people and to live in freedom is still disputed by some or dangerously confused with the two-state solution.
- True peace can only be built on equality and freedom for all, grounded in a vision of universal justice that affords equal rights and responsibilities to all, regardless of their race or nationality.
- Ending Jewish Israeli domination will be a rehumanizing act. No one can oppress and brutalize others without themselves experiencing a loss of humanity in the process.
- Some illustrious scholars, such as the historian Raz Segal, had spoken of genocide immediately after October 7th, but theirs were isolated voices. Ilan Pappé, another well-known Israeli historian, also denounced Israeli practices in the Gaza Strip as an incremental genocide in 2006: a genocide that gradually increases in violence and intensity. Yet within the United Nations no one dared to utter that forbidden word about Israel. No one except myself and a few other UN speakers, especially those from countries of the Global Majority (or Global South), for many of whom the trauma of colonization and genocide that Europeans have perpetrated over the course of half a millennium from Latin America to Africa to Asia is still alive.
- Today, it is not uncommon to come across arguments such as: “But Israel doesn’t want to destroy the Palestinians. Israel just wants to eradicate Hamas,” or: “Israel wants to free the hostages. If only Hamas would free them…” I would like to point out that, first of all, if you go so far as to bomb a bakery, if you manage to kill tens of thousands of children, to mutilate or make orphans of ten times as many, it is evident that such actions are not in line with the stated objective of freeing hostages or eliminating Hamas, however dangerously vague such a purpose may be. After all, it is enough to think about it for a moment: Who is Hamas? Those who fought for Hamas in 2006? Those who worked in the hospitals under its authority? Who are resisting the occupation? Who are opposing genocide?
- Given the impact this book has had in Italy, I was glad to hear that a US publisher was interested in bringing it out in English. All the more as the United States remains the main obstacle to a peaceful resolution of the situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory because of unconditional US support for Israel. By shielding Israel from the proper consequences for its actions in front of the international community — whether diplomatically through its veto in the Security Council or materially through billions of dollars of arms shipments to Israel that allow it to maintain the status quo of occupation, or the sanctioning of people and institutions critical of Israel, as has happened to me and many others working for justice, from the International Criminal Court to Palestinian human rights organizations — the United States has fostered a culture of impunity for Israel that has allowed it to commit the worst of crimes.
- I am afraid of a society in which the news coverage of killing, mutilation, torture, rape, hunger, and famine depends on who is the victim and who is the perpetrator.
- Hind’s story, as atrocious as it is, is not an unusual one in Palestine. Mohammed Tamimi was two years old when, a few months before October 7, 2023, the Israeli occupation forces — formally known as the Israel Defense Forces — shot him in the head while he was in a car with his father in the occupied West Bank. No one has been held responsible, as usual. This is childhood in Palestine.
- At that point in the autumn, the figures for Palestinian children killed by Israel in fifteen years (from 2008 to September 2023) were brutal: more than one thousand four hundred. Each of them, a small universe erased forever. From October 7, 2023 to March 2025, these already gruesome numbers have increased tenfold.
- “They were bombing us from all sides, they were everywhere, we were very afraid that our parents could die,” Yasmine, sixteen, told me, who at that point had already experienced five wars in Gaza. And this is the story of Samer, eleven years old: “My father was killed near a settlement by soldiers. They said he was violent…Not only did I lose the most important person in my life but they also came to take our house. First I became an orphan, then they left me homeless.” Fares, age twelve, said: “Last year the soldiers attacked my school three or four times. They launched tear gas canisters and fired live ammunition. Many of the teachers and my classmates couldn’t breathe.” This is childhood in Palestine.
- Today’s Palestinian children, who make up almost half of Gaza’s population, have lived their entire lives under occupation, like their parents before them.
- When I was organizing the focus groups with Palestinian boys and girls, violence at checkpoints and armed raids night and day by the Israeli army in Palestinian villages were regular events. Israeli soldiers themselves, for example, members of Breaking the Silence — an organization of former Israeli soldiers who publicly denounce the abuses of the Israeli army in the occupied territory — candidly acknowledged that they had orders to invade the villages, sometimes every night for weeks on end, if not months. Their objective was to exhaust the population and to convince them to leave, in the name of “Israeli security.”
- In Gaza, for example, even before the genocide, the land was polluted, overpopulated, full of the remains of unexploded ordnance, the water undrinkable. Contamination was everywhere and the number of people suffering from leukemia and cancer, even among minors, was very high. Several reports by the United Nations and other humanitarian organizations have documented tragic situations where children in Gaza, as young as four or five years old, have been forced to travel alone to receive medical care in the West Bank. Their parents did not have permission to accompany them.
- To begin with, [Abu Hassan] took us to places in Jerusalem where families were divided by the wall and children had to crawl through sewage pipes to go to school because of the obstacles put in place by Israel. He gave us the lowdown on the archaeological tours like the one we had taken the day before. Thanks to him we met a priest who had been trained as an archaeologist and who explained to us in detail how much political-ideological manipulation there was behind that kind of historical narrative. Then Abu Hassan took us to see the houses that the settlers had just taken from the Palestinians in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, throwing out those who lived there (including the family of Mohammed El-Kurd), along with most of the furniture and personal property.
- The Palestinians, in fact, are divided according to four different legal identities: those with Israeli citizenship living in Israel (also known as Israeli Arabs, a nomenclature hated by the Palestinians, who prefer “Palestinians of ‘48”); residents of East Jerusalem, who are permanent residents but without Israeli citizenship; Palestinians in the West Bank; and Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.
- The last two groups generally hold identity cards, formally issued by the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) but de facto controlled by Israel, which regulates their issuance, renewal, and revocation, thus determining the holders’ rights to move, which is largely confined to the respective Gaza or West Bank enclaves for these groups, as well as the right to work and to access services. Each group has different rights, especially in terms of travel, access to services, and legal status and the status of Jerusalemites differs from that of residents in Gaza, the West Bank, or Israel. According to Amnesty International, “Under Israeli law, Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem are not Israeli citizens or residents of the West Bank. Instead, they receive precarious permanent residency status, which allows them to reside and work in the city, to benefit from social services provided by Israel’s National Insurance Institute and National Health Insurance, and to vote in municipal elections, but not in national elections.”
- In 1994 an Israeli American settler, Baruch Goldstein, entered that holy site in military uniform, armed with a machine gun, and exterminated twenty-nine Palestinians who were praying, wounding a hundred. At last, someone managed to stop him and he was overpowered and killed, but in addition to the carnage caused by his intrusion, this event sparked an uprising in the city: More than twenty Palestinians and four Israelis died in clashes with the Israeli army. Yet, the Israelis do not consider that a massacre, or more simply they don’t remember it. Following the events, Israel closed off Al-Shuhada Street (which means “the street of the martyrs”), the main commercial road leading to the mosque, and carved out part of the mosque to establish a synagogue.
- Shuhada Street, once crowded and full of life, remains sealed off to this day. Palestinians can live there but not walk there. The doors of houses and shops have been walled up by the army, so many residents have built bridges to be able to pass from one house to another. You see scenes resembling the theater of the absurd: children, late for school, climbing over gates, being chased and reprimanded or beaten by soldiers.
- In 2006, Hamas won the Palestinian legislative elections, overcoming Fatah, the rival party founded in the late 1950s by Yasser Arafat and other Palestinian exiles. After the election result was disavowed by the international community, violent clashes broke out between Hamas and Fatah, at the height of which, in 2007, Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip, which it still maintains today despite the rampant destruction, while Fatah governs the West Bank.
- After the Palestinians were driven from their homes in 1948 by Jewish militias who later merged into the army of the newly formed State of Israel, Balata and Jenin became the largest refugee camps in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Some of the displaced people from Galilee or the coast of Haifa moved to Lebanon, but many people settled in Balata and Jenin, waiting for the day when they could return home.
- Palestinian resistance goes back to the time of the British Mandate. The resistance against Israel began in the late 1950s, when various movements were born, such as Fatah, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which then associated or federated into the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), becoming the core of the armed resistance. All these groups were strongly rooted in the refugee camps, which is why Balata and Jenin are among the areas ritually attacked by the Israeli army.
- People are often jailed without charges or due process, and the Israeli judicial system, which applies the civil law to settlers in the colonies in the West Bank, applies military law to the Palestinians in the same area. Not to mention the absurd and degrading conditions to which children and young people are subjected, the special forms of violence and blackmail suffered by women and the LGBTQ+ community, or the widespread use of torture in prisons.
- For a child, being arrested on charges such as throwing stones at Israeli soldiers, army vehicles, or settlers, and then being harassed and forced to provide information about the people of his city or neighborhood, is an experience that will mark him or her forever, triggering a series of life-changing consequences.
- After such a nightmare, how can anyone be surprised that when jailed Palestinian children return home they are traumatized, do not want to go out, are afraid, wet the bed, and exhibit disturbances or violent behavior? We are talking about twelve-, thirteen-, fourteen-year-old kids, but even younger kids are arrested. There were children as young as five or six being taken away by Israeli trucks; perhaps not detained but interrogated and then sent home.
- But even if the Oslo Accords had been respected, they were still based on a marked asymmetry of power between the parties, which would allow Israel to maintain effective control of the territory, leaving the Palestinians only fragmented autonomy devoid of real sovereignty. This has been stated by many scholars, both Palestinian and Israeli, such as Edward Said, Tanya Reinhart, and Ilan Pappé, as well as American scholars such as John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, or even by reports by organizations such as the Israeli B’Tselem.
- Geographically [Jerusalem] is a city like many others. Politically, however, it is divided in two and, if you know it well, is a shattered city, starting from Road Number One, which crosses it from north to south, marking the dividing line between the predominantly Arab areas to the east and the Jewish areas to the west. Today, the road is urbanized and incorporated into the city fabric (to the east, it passes near the Damascus Gate, Sheikh Jarrah, Musrara), but it was once an important physical, political, and cultural boundary line drawn by the 1948 war, and retains a strong symbolic and historical value.
- IN 1947, the United Nations General Assembly approved the so-called Partition Plan for Palestine, which provided for the division of Palestine into two states, assigning about 55 percent of the territories to the future Jewish state (although Jews were less than 35 percent of the population and owners of only 6 percent of the land) and the remaining 45 percent to the Palestinians, who individually or collectively owned 94 percent of the land at that time. The plan was rejected by Palestinian leaders and Arab countries, who considered it unjust, and this led to a civil war, which then resulted in the 1948 conflict with the neighboring Arab countries after the proclamation of the State of Israel.
- In the UN partition plan, Jerusalem was envisioned as a corpus separatum, a city under international administration, but this has never actually come to pass. Israel had been allocated 55 percent of historic Palestine, but instead grabbed 78 percent by 1949, leaving the “Arab state” imagined by the UN, and opposed by the Arabs themselves, only 22 percent and thus grossly violating the terms of the partition.
- During this period, clashes between Zionist militias and Palestinian armed resistance and attacks on villages, especially Palestinian ones, led to the expulsion or forced flight of about seven hundred and fifty thousand Palestinians (out of the one million originally inhabiting today’s Israel). This is the so-called Nakba, the Arabic term for catastrophe, which is still commemorated as such by Palestinians across the globe. Jerusalem was then divided into two parts: the west, under Israeli control, and the east, under Jordanian control, with the Old City rising just beyond the former Green Line (the other name of Road Number One, from the color with which the armistice line with Jordan was drawn).
- Calling the people of Palestine generically “Arabs” — as is often done in Israeli textbooks or in mainstream media around the world — contributes to denying their national identity. Referring to Palestinians simply as “Arabs” risks subscribing to the idea that there is no such thing as a Palestine and that the Palestinians are temporary guests or, indeed, an invention.
- But after 1948 most of these houses were attacked by Zionist militias, the Palestinian inhabitants forced to flee, with the hope of being able to return soon. But no, seventy-seven years later, with the houses still there, returning is not something even to be talked about.
- I have heard this same story many times. Palestinians who manage to return to the places of their childhood, recounted to them by way of the memories of their displaced parents or grandparents — the survivors of the Nakba — and, when they arrive, they often find nothing. Sometimes the building has been razed to the ground, other times new structures have taken its place, but what happened to George may hurt even more: coming back and seeing his family’s house still standing, trying to enter even just to be able to look at it once and being gruffly turned away by the people who live there, who may not even be the new owners but are tenants.
- I noticed that the idea of being there in the guise of the white savior prevented many of my colleagues and friends, especially those who worked for the United Nations, from questioning themselves, and I began to see in their work and in the very fact of living on that earth a part of the problem that we had ideally come to solve.
- The aliyah, meaning “return” and used to describe Jewish immigration to the land of Israel, became central to the Zionist movement as early as the late nineteenth century. So it is correct to say that there was a pre-Zionist Jewish community in Palestine (equal to less than 10 percent of the population at the time); it is correct to say that most of the Jews who went to Palestine before and immediately after the creation of the State of Israel, especially the survivors of the Holocaust, had few or no alternatives because so many Western countries were reluctant to accept them, and thousands found themselves without shelter, with communities destroyed and families decimated.
- It is equally correct to mention that today many of the Israelis living in the colonies in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, occupying the homes and land of the Palestinians, have American, Belgian, French, Australian, Canadian, Argentinean names and accents. Often neither they nor their parents were born in Israel, but they come from cities where they often remain for most of the year: Although they reside abroad, they retain ownership or control of real estate in the occupied territory, contributing to the systematic dispossession of the Palestinians.
- Ateret Cohanim essentially manages to evict Palestinians — often with highly questionable property titles — or to convince them to sell their homes. Some agree to do so out of desperation and, after being ostracized by the community, they sell in secret before fleeing abroad. Others are simply kicked out. Even when acquisitions are legal, they are still part of an occupation because they make use of vexatious tools.
- This also contributes to the tense atmosphere in Jerusalem. When you cross the Arab Quarter of the Old City to go to the Western Wall or the Esplanade of the Mosques and you look up to the sky, you see many Israeli flags and Jewish symbols in houses that until recently had been inhabited by Palestinians. For a Palestinian, the possibility of returning home and finding settlers inside, as has happened to so many, is a source of permanent anguish.
- Before the year 2000 Jerusalem was the central hub toward which everyone converged. Today it has been cut off, shut in by the wall, which Israel built officially to prevent Palestinian attacks from the West Bank, but which has effectively served to seize around 12 percent of the West Bank territory and to further undermine Palestinian territorial integrity (an opinion issued in 2004 by the International Court of Justice described the Western Wall as illegitimate and directed that it be dismantled, a directive that was never implemented). So today, Palestinians in Jerusalem and in Israel can go to the West Bank, but those who live in the West Bank can only enter the city with Israeli-issued permits, which are often difficult if not impossible to obtain.
- This closure has catastrophically affected the local Palestinian economy, because shepherds, Bedouins, and many Palestinians engaged in rural and artisanal activities traded goods in the city and Jerusalem was a nerve center for the sale, for example, of dairy products, which were distributed from there throughout the region. Now it’s all over. As Amnesty International also highlighted in its 2022 report “Israel’s Apartheid Against Palestinians,” Palestinians live under separate jurisdictions and are subject to strict permits that separate them from each other and isolate them from their lands and families.
- In theory, UN Watch is an organism established to monitor compliance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which promotes human rights on the part of governments within the system of the United Nations. In practice, however, it is purely and simply an instrument of Israeli propaganda inside the UN, an agency as charlatan in spirit and understanding of human rights as it is zealous in defaming anyone who dares to criticize the State of Israel.
- In truth, the definition of anti-Semitism should be self-evident: It consists of hatred, discrimination, prejudice, violence against Jews as Jews, just as Islamophobia is hatred, discrimination, prejudice, violence against Muslims as Muslims…and so on. Instead, in 2016 the IHRA proposed a special definition of anti-Semitism that was verbose, complex, and mellifluous: “Anti-Semitism is a certain perception of Jews that can be expressed as hatred for Jews. Manifestations of real and physical anti-Semitism are directed at Jews or non-Jews and/or their property, Jewish community institutions, and buildings used for worship.” The definition, which is apparently innocuous, is accompanied by eleven practical examples largely conflating anti-Semitism with criticism of the State of Israel and its policies.
- As Alon often told me, confusing criticism of the State of Israel with anti-Semitism is very risky both for the people of Palestine and for Jews themselves because, by reasoning in these terms, one makes an immediate association between all Jews and the State of Israel. But this is not the case. Alon was Israeli, he loved Israel deeply, and like him there are many American and European Jews who want nothing to do with the crimes of the State of Israel. Many of these Jews are anti-Zionist, some are not openly so, some not at all.
- I had [Alon] and his close friend Amos Goldberg — a professor of Jewish history and contemporary Jewry at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and one of the few Israelis who promptly denounced the post–October 7th genocide perpetrated against the Palestinians — read the report on self-determination that I was preparing in 2022 for the United Nations, my first as a Special Rapporteur, and they both said something like: “Good luck! The problem is not how you construct the idea of the right to self-determination but that you accuse Israel of being a colonial state.” “But it is…” “Yes, we know it is, but be prepared, because they will unload on you with everything they can.”
- At the same time, thanks to Alon and Amos, I immersed myself in a world of Jewish — mainly Israeli, British, and American — scholars with whom I have collaborated to counter what has been happening at the United Nations, where pro-Israel pressure groups, using every means at their disposal, were pressuring the secretary-general and others so that the United Nations would adopt the IHRA definition of anti-Semitism. Those pressures have had real effects (such as the recent US sanctions against the International Criminal Court and myself).
- Twenty-five of the twenty-seven European states to date have adopted this definition in some form, which though not legally binding has become a standard used by governments, universities, and even companies. In Italy, the Council of Ministers adopted the definition of the IHRA in 2020. Lufthansa and many other airlines have made it their own as well. This means that if you wear a keffiyeh or a pin with the flag of Palestine, you may one day be considered subject to sanctions, since according to those parameters the flag or other symbols of Palestinian identity could be seen as an affront to the State of Israel or a denial of its existence.
- Yet, in many countries, attempts are made to block these legal proceedings, precisely because they are accused of being “anti-Semitic.” Therefore, on the one hand there is certainly more knowledge and awareness but on the other hand there is also a growing repression: a symptom of the global oppression of which the Palestinians are victims. And this is happening not only at the hands of Israel but also in the United States, Canada, Australia, and Europe, where Palestinians are often discriminated against precisely because their very existence is thought to be a detriment or an embarrassment to the State of Israel.
- Holding my head high in the face of such fury on that occasion earned me the respect of many sectors of civil society, including various progressive Jewish groups and many intellectuals who have since often mobilized in my support against the incessant accusations that have rained down on me. For example, Avi Shlaim, a well-known Israeli historian and professor at Oxford University, published a letter a few days after that media assault in which he wrote: “The three main pillars of Judaism are truth, justice, and peace. Albanese embodies these values to a remarkably high degree. And there will be many Jews worldwide, disturbed by Israel’s betrayal of these core Jewish values.” In those difficult days, his words had a political and personal meaning that I will never forget. The whole affair only strengthened the collaboration and mutual esteem between Alon and me.
- I spoke of self-determination as the right to exist as a people, a right that cannot be negotiated — as I wrote in my report, “violations of international law should not be subject to negotiation, since this would legitimize what is illegal” — stressing that for too long the Palestinian issue has been reduced to a humanitarian crisis, instead of being dealt with as a political issue to be resolved in accordance with international law. To confine ourselves to giving aid without addressing the structural causes of the crisis is to perpetuate injustice by normalizing it, rather than doing everything possible to eradicate it. Furthermore, I challenged the narrative that presents the situation in Palestine as a “conflict,” when in fact it is a structural condition of domination and oppression, which falls within the paradigm of settler colonialism.
- The Israeli occupation is not temporary but is part of a broader project that combines settler colonialism, apartheid, and military occupation. It is not possible to talk about development or “economic peace” without first ending domination, and that continuing to inject money and humanitarian aid is comparable to trying to mop the floor without fixing the leak, and on this the international community has failed, by adopting inadequate paradigms that do not address the roots of the problem. The basis of everything is the Palestinian people’s fundamental right to self-determination, a collective right that has been violated continuously for decades.
- [Alon’s] words were poignant. Since that conversation, I have always carried with me the thought that the State of Israel gave protection, legitimacy, visibility to the Jewish people and to European Jews during a historical phase in which a very strong and widespread anti-Semitism was still alive, making them, as a collective, feel they had a safe place for the first time in history.
- Since 2006, it had been impossible for Palestinians to leave Gaza and almost nothing had entered without Israel’s consent, and this meant that no treatment was available for otherwise treatable diseases like diabetes. There have been children requiring special treatment that is unavailable in Gaza, who died within the walls of their homes because they did not have the necessary permission to go outside Gaza to be examined by a specialist or to receive the necessary medicines.
- [Alon] and Amos, along with other scholars of the Holocaust and anti-Semitism, had signed an article in The New York Review of Books in November 2023 in which they criticized the instrumental use of historical memory to justify the aggression in Gaza. They denounced efforts to equate Hamas to the “new Nazis,” to attribute to the Palestinians a collective responsibility, and discredit those who defended their rights. They stressed the importance of distinguishing between Hamas and the Palestinian population as a whole, and warned that “the confusion between anti-Semitism and criticism of Israel” not only undermines the fight against real anti-Semitism but also legitimizes the repression of dissent and the erasure of the Palestinian cause from public debate.
- Until a few years ago, the main — if not the only — legal framework of reference for many, in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, was that of IHL, that is, the laws of war and military occupation, according to which military occupation is accepted only if temporary, if it is linked to specific military needs, and if it takes place in full respect of the rights of the civilian population.
- Israel, instead, has occupied Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem since 1967 without time limits or valid justification. The United Nations itself had called for its withdrawal, with a resolution approved a few months after the beginning of the occupation (Security Council Resolution 242), recalling that it is never legitimate to acquire territories by force. Yet Israel not only has ignored that resolution but has extended its presence in the occupied territory, including the Syrian Golan Heights and recently swaths of southern Syria and Lebanon, none of which my UN mandate covers, replacing the local authorities with Israeli military personnel, imposing military law, expropriating land, demolishing homes, and building more than three hundred colonies, where about eight hundred thousand Israeli settlers live today. All this, even though such actions are recognized as illegal by international law.
- Two of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations are respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples [article 1(2)] and the prohibition of the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state [Article 2(4)]. Accordingly, the International Court of Justice has repeatedly reiterated that an occupying power must guarantee the fundamental rights of the occupied population and cannot impede the realization of the right to self-determination. In Palestine, however, fundamental rights are not guaranteed, and the Palestinians are denied their right to self-determination.
- To cover up its violations of international law, Israel has used terms such as “disputed” instead of “occupied” territory, of a “hostile” instead of an “occupied” population.
- To make them collapse, oppressive regimes must be struck at their heart, that is, in their pockets, which is where they receive the proceeds of exploitation. This is the philosophy underpinning BDS, which in fact undertakes to publicly expose international complicity – not only political but also economic – with the apartheid regime imposed by the State of Israel on the Palestinians.
- It is not up to you to choose who governs in Palestine. You just have to give a useful contribution to ending the occupation, so that there will be something left of Palestine. That is what international law requires.
- Israel is an integral part of the Western imperialist project in that area: a colony linked to the West, like all the colonies of past centuries.
- Ghassan: When I left Gaza and arrived in the United Kingdom, I realized that the genocide project was like an iceberg. Israel is only the visible tip, but the rest of the iceberg – which is not so clearly visible from Gaza – is the entire apparatus that makes genocide possible: the BBC, CNN, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, the organizations that support it.
- More than a thousand health workers have been killed between October 7, 2023, and January 2025, while over two hundred and fifty have been imprisoned.
- In Hollow Land [book], it is evident that Israel has used architecture and geography as tools of power to consolidate its control over the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Urban space and the landscape have been modified to favor Israel’s military and political domination. Israeli colonies in the West Bank were strategically designed so that colonization would create territorial fragmentation. The management of infrastructure and mobility, through a system of roads, checkpoints, and separation walls, have been increasingly restricting the freedom of movement of Palestinians in every respect for decades. At the same time, the transportation infrastructure continues to guarantee safe and rapid access to Israeli settlers, under the vigilant and “neutral” eyes of the international community.
- A concept that was crucial for me in reading Hollow Land is “vertical politics”: a fully three-dimensional use of space, which demonstrates unequivocally how the Israeli occupation is not limited only to horizontal borders but also addresses the control of airspace, the subsoil – for ex-ample, through tunnels and aqueducts — and the height of buildings. Thanks to his studies, his many inter-ests, and what I would later discover to be a polyhedric personality, Eyal recounts many things, but the gist of the book is how Israel has managed to box in the Palestinians politically by putting in place a geographical chaos “structured” to the Palestinians’ disadvantage.
- One of the most brilliant ideas in [Eyal’s] book is the invitation to open our eyes to the risk of the “humanitarian paradox”: that humanitarian interventions may unwittingly end up supporting the military occupation rather than opposing it. Eyal believes that by correcting the consequences of certain decisions taken by the occupying force, these interventions could help rid Israel of its responsibilities, including legal responsibilities, allowing it to divert resources to other objectives, while making the occupation more tolerable in the eyes of public opinion.
- Settler colonialism, Eyal explained, is a process that operates through a dual dynamic: construction and destruction. On the one hand, outposts, infrastructure, colonies are built; on the other hand, the conditions that make life possible for the colonized population are systematically destroyed.
- “The Gaza Strip,” Eyal said, “is nothing more than the result of an engineering effort aimed at destroying the living conditions within it. It is a long experiment in which living conditions are degraded to the point of forcing the population to leave.”
- During an event in which we were debating the situation in Palestine, I heard him say in no uncertain terms, but in a voice as quiet as a caress: “You have to be really ignorant not to know, not to understand, not to see colonialism in Palestine, or to deny that the Palestinians are the oppressed and the Israelis the oppressors.” There is something wrong, Gabor also believes, in those who fail to see how Judaism, his religion, is being exploited in the name of an ethno-nationalism that is based on the premise of a discriminatory ideology.
- Trauma, according to Gabor, “changes one’s perception of the world.” When whole groups internalize a view of life influenced by their trauma, by their fear, this feeds a continuous sense of threat and mistrust in their collective view of the outside world. It is not difficult to imagine the importance of such dynamics for populations that have experienced oppression, wars, persecution, exile, and extermin-ation. That is the eternal point of contact between Jews and Palestinians.
- In the prevailing debate in the West, it seems that one cannot talk about the violence that the Palestinians experience every day without first having to consider Israel and its right to defense, even when this right is claimed by the occupier on the very little land that the Palestinians have left, and therefore illegitimately.
- Of course, like any member country of the United Nations, Israel can invoke the right to self-defense enshrined in Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, when the conditions are met: that is, when it is attacked by another state or when there is the authorization of the UN Security Council. Israel’s use of force in Gaza and the rest of occupied Palestine is illegitimate. As the Court of Justice reminds us, Israel cannot attack militarily the population it occupies.
- Moreover, it seems that one cannot talk about the current situation in Palestine without starting from the horror of October 7, 2023, almost as though decades of unspeakable violence committed by Israel against Palestinians before that date — as well as the pain suffered by Israeli civilians on other occasions, such as the wave of suicide attacks during the second intifada — count for nothing any longer. This selective reading of history leaves entire generations in a state of continuous trauma. Their trauma is renewed every day, the value of their suffering is denied, and the intensification of the violence itself persists.
- The almost total lack of understanding for the rights of the Palestinians often makes them invisible, in life and in death, forced into an inevitable subordination to the logic and claims of Israel, a state that, day after day, swallows up more and more of the land of another people. Meanwhile, Israel unfailingly manages to make other people discuss its sacrosanct right to exist. It, and it alone. Wherever it wants, as it wishes, by any means it deems appropriate.
- Sometimes it seems to me that it is difficult for many people in Western countries to understand settler colonialism and what it entails. Most of the textbooks Western children study in school, for example, speak in neutral – if not heroic – terms of the acts of violent colonialism on which the Greek and Roman civilizations were founded, wiping out entire peoples and erasing the memory of their cultures, of their native languages, of all their knowledge. These cultural eliminations are taken for granted, not considered worthy of attention. The same is true of the most recent colonialism, the one that began with the three caravels led by the Genoese captain Christopher Columbus: an event, often romanticized as the “discovery of America,” which instead marked the beginning of an era of colonization and exploitation that led to the death of tens of millions of Indigenous peoples throughout the American continent.
- No one is free until everyone is free. All of them. All those who have been made invisible on this Earth; all the peoples whose memory, traditions, and culture have been reduced to folklore; all those who still have the realization of freedom from oppression and need only as a horizon and not as a present.
- Forty years from now, someone may be in a place once known as Palestine, but in a university lecture hall named after Donald Trump, offering tribute “to the Palestinians, the ancient inhabitants of this land,” when all that remains of Palestine will be ruins.
- It is when the world sleeps that monsters are generated.